The Latest at Goethe

Greece is in the midst of a crisis and Rüdiger Bolz is in Greece. He therefore has his own view of the crisis. In this interview, the director of the Goethe-Institut Athens explains how Greeks see Europe and why even though they rail at Merkel, ever greater numbers of them come to the Goethe-Institut.

Mr. Bolz, what do they say to you in Athens now when they discover you are a German?

At first, I am not easily recognizable as a German, so I hear far more than if I were. But generally they quite frequently ask: Why don’t you like us anymore and what’s your Angela Merkel got against us?

So, their protests are against German policy and not any German with whom they are speaking?

I certainly have heard of cases where German guests or tourists who benevolently entered into a conversation have been laid into rather aggressively. But I personally and the institute haven’t experienced that. On the contrary, our events and our language courses are as intensively attended as ever, perhaps even more than before. This may also be because not much is going on particularly in the commercial cultural areas and the people are increasingly going to cultural events that are free of charge. I hardly know any organizers or producers who will take any risks. Even for events that are usually sold out months in advance, there are now still tickets at the box office. At the opera, outside performances are now being shown on a screen, for example from Verona. Two years ago that would have been unthinkable. Yet our events were even well attended during the general strikes.

How does this influence your collaborations in the cultural sector?

We are experiencing bitter conditions. At the moment, the biennial is running – with no money. The helpers are working voluntarily and the artists are putting up with major cuts. It is immediately perceptible, that is why you cannot compare it to any European biennial operating under normal conditions. What is being done here under the present conditions and only due to huge self-sacrifice by those involved also reflects this crisis. The Greek filmmakers aren’t producing low-budget films, but downright very-low-budget films for 200,000 to 250,000 euros. State film funding was cut in 2010. The few films that are being made right now in Greece can only be produced because those responsible are selling their homes or other property and no one – from the camera operators to the actors – is being paid any fees or salaries.

What support can the Goethe-Institut offer?

We mainly can convey contacts and expertise. For example, we are organizing informative events where we present the various film funding instruments available in Europe.

Film is very cost-intensive, what about other genres such as the theatre and music? Are they also forced to improvise to such a degree?

It’s the same plight everywhere. The state theatre, for example, is only producing one third of the new productions of 2009. There is no state funding anymore and nothing is coming from industry either.

We’re familiar with the trend from Spain that the people in distress say, “I’m going to learn German now and try my luck in Germany.” Is it similar in Greece?

This trend exists. Young people in particular want to improve their basic vocational qualifications. This summer especially we had a distinct increase in registrations for our super-intensive courses. At the moment we have about five to six percent more than last year. Admittedly there are big questions marks about the future, though.

Isn’t there a risk of a brain drain if the well-educated young people now leave Greece?

There is a risk. Among young academics, unemployment has reached over 40 percent. You hear about this in every conversation. And I can understand it. However, I only see it as a limited risk: someone in a difficult vocational situation who finds a job in Germany or other European countries is certainly no “Europe sceptic.” If something is very conspicuous in Greece then it’s not an anti-German attitude, but anti-European attitudes. Germany is not only, but primarily, in the focus because it is the leading economic nation in the EU. Incidentally, once Greece is competitive again, both Greeks and qualified non-Greeks will happily seek out opportunities here.

How do you personally experience the mood in the country?

I am, honestly, emotionally very troubled. I have felt very close to this country for over two and a half decades. The economic and political downfall characterize both the public mood and private conversations at the table, and sometimes there is a degree of irrationality that still surprises even me.

Where does this bond come from?

My wife is Greek and I am part of her Cretan family. And after eleven and a half years at the Goethe-Instituts in Thessaloniki and Athens, we have friends all over Greece.

Do the media in Greece play a similar role as in Germany? Are the two states also being portrayed as antagonists in the present crisis?

They’re given a run for the money. You see portrayals of Angela Merkel in a SS uniform almost daily. And an attempt by German solar energy companies to come into contact with Greek partners is commented with, “Now they even want to steal the sun from us.” But what I think is worse is the opinion conformity in Greece, which has not least been generated by the media. What people think and articulate privately is left unsaid at the workplace, something as simple as “We need more Europe.” The incessant description of the EU as a domineering authority, the portrayal of the European bailout policies in the media as blackmail; these weigh far more heavily in my eyes than stupid caricatures. And some interviews, even on a German talk show –we’ve had enquiries – are turned down with the excuse, “I can’t publicly say what I know and what I think.”

Do the Greeks admit to being partly responsible in their own crisis?

Well, the first sentence is always, “We do not deny that we have been living beyond our economic means.” The second sentence then always contains the “but” and that there is foreign responsibility.

What do they accuse Germany, France, Europe of?

For example, that they did good business in Greece. It has to do with this ambiguous relationship of Greece to Europe. In Greece, if you are flying to Berlin, London or Paris, you say, “I’m travelling to Europe.” The language gives it away. People don’t feel that they are part of a European community of responsibility; Europe has always been something abstract. It’s something you can get money out of, but you don’t want to give up national sovereignty. Greece joined the European Union 30 years ago; 50 years ago it was the first country to be associated with the former EEC – by the way, at Germany’s urging. Only the Goethe-Institut remembers the two anniversaries, if we can call them that; there are by no means any celebrations.

What has to happen for the country to get back on its feet again?

The reforms must urgently be implemented to encourage investment again. If I were an entrepreneur, I wouldn’t invest either without any legal safeguards. I think that the transitional government under Lucas Papademos offers a chance: there is finally national consensus that they do not want to slide into a national catastrophe, but that the conditions linked to the austerity package need to be implemented in order to finally create the preconditions for a favourable investment climate and boost the economy.

If Angela Merkel were to come to Athens next week on a state visit, what advice would you give her?

That’s not going to happen in the present situation; the transitional Greek government has only just been sworn in. Another high-ranking business delegation would be important; top German or European managers with the will to invest and the candour not just to rub salt in wounds, but to also identify development potentials. Greece needs trust and the willingness to dare to take new pathways together – strong signals, optimism and tangible economic and cultural projects.

The interview was held by Christoph Mücher.