Understand the Prozess Germany as a Model for Confronting the Past?
The wide-spread protests that toppled statues symbolizing white supremacy, racism, and colonial violence in the United States and elsewhere suggest that a deeper reckoning about the past may have finally begun. In this context, observers have pointed to Germany as a model for the successful confrontation with history. However, rather than looking at the outcome of Germany’s reckoning with its multi-layered past, it is much more instructive to understand the process that led to this outcome.
By Jenny WüstenbergThe American philosopher Susan Neiman calls on us to “learn from the Germans,” while Bryan Stevenson, the man behind the National Memorial for Peace and Justice in Montgomery, AL, has said repeatedly that Germany’s landscape of memory was a key inspiration for his project. These arguments make the case that it is possible – and necessary – for democratic societies to take responsibility for legacies of the past in the present. Germany does indeed have an unparalleled infrastructure of memorials and educational institutions that “work through the past”.
Tireless work of activistsHowever, simply seeing Germany’s memorials as models for our current “statue problem” is misguided. Rather than looking at the outcome of Germany’s reckoning with its multi-layered past, it is much more instructive to understand the process that led to this outcome. Indeed, for decades, German society and its leaders were as unwilling to face up to their crimes as the powerful in the U.S. What brought change and had made the German approach to commemoration into one that is seen by many as a model to be emulated, was not a sudden epiphany, but the tireless work of activists – Holocaust survivors, initiatives for reconciliation, and citizens’ groups. This, indeed, is a lesson for us all: we need to allow for civil society to be heard as we debate whether to take down these statues – and what we should set in stone in their stead.
The Holocaust Memorial in Berlin as an antithesis to a more decentralized memory landscapeThe Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe sits at the heart of Berlin, next to the Brandenburg Gate, and is often cited as the epitome of the extent to which Germans have embraced the need to take responsibility for the past. And indeed, quick comparisons indicate the extraordinary nature of this approach: Can you imagine a memorial recalling the victims of slavery next to the Washington monument on the National Mall? What would it take to place a monumental site symbolizing the crimes committed in the name of the British Empire on Trafalgar Square? How much would Australian political discourse have to shift for there to be a commemoration of the children stolen from Aboriginal families next to the Sydney Opera House? In each of these cases, such memorials would be phenomenal acknowledgements that the past must be addressed, suggesting a willingness to tackle continuing legacies of colonialism and racism in the present.
However, the Berlin Holocaust memorial is not the best example of why it’s worth taking a closer look at Germany’s history of commemoration. Though it was initiated by a small Berlin-based group lead by publicist Lea Rosh and the subject of many years of public debate, it was ultimately at least partially made possible by elite political bargaining. In fact, many of those who were actively working for Holocaust memory at the time were opposed to placing a large monumental structure in a central location, fearing that this might foster a feeling among Germans that they had done their bit to remember and could now legitimately move on.
“What makes Germany’s approach to the past distinctive is not the presence of a large memorial but rather their decentralized memory landscape – the assemblage of thousands of markers, plaques, small exhibitions, and large memorial museums – that makes up the topography of terror, showing where the daily realities of a genocidal regime happened.”
From commemorating “German suffering” to commemorating the HolocaustProtestschild im Konzentrationslager Neuengamme am 28. Januar 1984 | Foto: KZ-Gedenkstätte Neuengamme, F 1986-7113 After the Second World War ended in 1945 and once the two German states were founded in 1949, there were, in fact, immediate efforts to commemorate the war experience. Thousands of monuments were built in the 1940s and 1950s – so there wasn’t exactly silence about the past. However, in West Germany, almost all of them recalled, not the Holocaust, but experiences of “German suffering” – the expulsion and flight of ethnic Germans from East-Central Europe, the aerial bombardment of cities, the return of prisoners of war, the repression through Stalinist authorities in the Eastern zone of occupation. In East Germany, while there were similar efforts, public space was quickly seized by the communist regime and autonomous activity quickly became extremely risky – even when commemorative activity seemed to be compatible with the official line of honouring the communist resistance against Nazism.
In both East and West, Holocaust survivors and their supporters were almost alone in demanding a public acknowledgement of responsibility through commemoration. Groups such as the Vereinigung der Verfolgten des Naziregimes/Bund der Antifaschisten (VVN-BdA) worked tirelessly, not only to preserve and mark sites of Nazi terror, but also to conduct historical research and support victims. Even some of the early prominent sites of commemoration, such as the Bergen Belsen memorial and the memorial at the Bendlerblock in Berlin (where the conspirators of the 1944 plot against Hitler had been active) were the outcome efforts by survivors and relatives of the conspirators (for example through the “Hilfswerk 20. Juli 1944”). Only gradually did non-victims become involved in memory work. The oldest and most important initiative is Aktion Sühnezeichen/Friedensdienste (ASF), a Christian group that has been working for atonement and reconciliation in East and West since 1958. But most of the thousands of locations linked to Nazi rule remained unmarked and many forgotten for decades. Commemorative initiatives routinely faced hostility from local and national leaders and the German population, but did important groundwork for the memorials that exist today.
Local citizens’ intitatives as catalystsThis situation began to shift only in the early 1980s. While the student movement of the 1960s has rightly been lauded for the transformation of German political culture, its impact on the commemoration of the Nazi past was initially marginal. The debates of the “1968ers” were important, but did not in fact descend to the concrete level of local histories of persecution and collaboration. What really made the difference – and over the course of the next few decades created the decentralised topography of memory – was the rise of myriad local citizens’ initiatives that began investigating the past and changing the way we discuss it. Sometimes these were coalitions of existing youth or student groups, trade union branches, local (usually green or social democratic) political parties, societies for Christian-Jewish reconciliation, or church members, coming together to find out what happened at a town’s Gestapo offices or a satellite of a concentration camp or the route of a death march. Often, they were so called “history workshops” (Geschichtswerkstätten) – associations of people who were interested in history, but usually without formal academic training. These groups were generally immersed in the alternative milieu (alternative Szene) of peace, women’s, ecological, and anti-authoritarian movement, which gathered at rallies, concerts, bookstores and coffee shops. The history initiatives sprung up all over the Federal Republic and focused on what was going on locally, but quickly networked with each other through annual history festivals, seminars and newsletters.